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The Louisiana elections of 1868 blood pressure lyrics purchase vasodilan 20 mg, 1872 heart attack in 20s discount vasodilan 20 mg fast delivery, 1874 an d 1876 arterial network 20 mg vasodilan order free shipping, were of one cloth: intimidation blood pressure yahoo health vasodilan 20 mg purchase line, fraud, open violence and murder, so that there was no real expression of public opinion. Three remedies were evident: first, a dictator working through a returning board; secondly, supervision of elections and repression of mob violence by the Federal government; thirdly, arming of the black militia. Carpetbaggers were too corrupt and planters too selfish to be successful dictators. The nation recoiled at Federal supervision, not only in the drastic form proposed by Sheridan, but even in the milder form of supervised elections; finally, arms in the hands of the Negro aroused fear both North and South. But it was the silent verdict of all America that Negroes by their must not be allowed to fight suaded from every attempt for themselves. They were, therefore, dis- at self-protection or aggression friends as well as their enemies. Congress hesitated and refused to take action despite the pleas of President Grant. Under the law, he had no alternative but to use Federal troops to enforce the Reconstruction laws. Three times the soldiers restored to power Republican candidates who had been ousted from office by force and fraudulent elections. In retaliation, the planters murdered Negroes and Republicans in cold blood at Colfax, Coushatta and other places, and fought pitched battles in the streets of New Orleans. Kellogg attempted reforms, and succeeded in reducing the tax rate from 21 to 14 mills. In in South Carolina, there fact, just as was nothing that Louisiana wanted less at that time than reform through Negro voters and Republican officeholders. Evidently, the Negro voter, and even the office-holder, could not be held to blame for the anarchy and turmoil which are the history of Reconstruction in Louisiana. Practically, so-called Reconstruction in as Louisiana was a continuation of the Civil War, with the pawn between the two forces of Northern and Southern capitalists. His intelligent and sacrificing leadership was beaten back, deceived and ham-strung, and finally discredited by charging it with plans to "Africanize" Louisiana. The shrewd and venal and dishonest Negro elements were characterized as typical and used as an excuse for cheating and lawlessness by elements in the white population just as dishonest and much more influential. Back of this smoke screen lay the real charge, which was the so strategic for attempt to subject this state so rich in raw materials, and than an oligarchy of capitalists. The panic of 1873 and the Democratic House elected to Congress in 1874 settled the matter. The Louisiana Democratic State Convention frankly called itself "we, the white people of Louisiana"; and a committee of Congress sent down to investigate revealed the new temper of the nation. One part of the committee was completely in favor of the planters, while the other part declared the White League an unscrupulous engine of fraud and murder. As John Sherman and his fellows reported: "Organized clubs of masked, armed men, formed as recommended by the central Democratic committee, rode through the country at night, marking their course by the whipping, shooting, wounding, maiming, mutilation, and murder of women, children, and defenceless men, whose houses were forcibly entered while they slept, and, as their inmates fled, the pistol, the rifle, the knife and the rope were employed to do their horrid work. Crimes like these, testified to by scores of witnesses, were the means em- ployed in Louisiana to elect a President of the United States. The whole nation waited on the outcome in Louisiana which would settle the presidenresult state offices, tial contest. The There followed an extraordinary period of negotiation, probably unparalleled in modern government. The white folk of Louisiana with threat of civil war entered into negotiations with the President and President-elect and arranged a filibuster of 116 Congressmen to prevent counting the electoral vote. The Hayes party promised to work for the "material prosperity" of the South and allay sectional feeling. By means of money furnished by the Louisiana Lottery Company and large business establishments, the Kellogg govern- April 24, the Federal troops withdrew to their barracks and Louisiana was free for a new period of unhampered exploitation of the ment was bribed nominal quorum. In South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana, the proportion of Negroes was so large, their leaders of sufficient power, and the the will of Federal control so effective, that for the years black labor was powerful; and so far as it 1 868-1 874 was intelligently led, and had definite goals, it took perceptible steps toward public education, cases, distribution of confiscation of large incomes, betterment of labor conditions, universal suffrage, and in some land to the peasant. Ignorant and vicious leadership, white and black, hindered and even stopped this progress, and gradually tended toward a duel between Northern and Southern capitalists to effect control of labor. This succeeded first in Louisiana, then in Mississippi, and finally in South Carolina. In each case, labor control passed into the hands of white Southerners, who combined with white labor to oust Northern capitalists. O twin of monarchy that a robber lives to rob and kill, What Then Is deviltry here that prostitutes at will, That keeps gang in kingly rights enthroned,?

Immediately after the war blood pressure lab report vasodilan 20 mg buy with amex, the Negro population greatly increased blood pressure screening vasodilan 20 mg for sale, reaching 43 blood pressure 5080 vasodilan 20 mg lowest price,404 in 1870 and 59 blood pressure medication for ptsd purchase vasodilan 20 mg with amex,596 in 1880. During these years, however, the proportion of Negroes in the total Washington population did not vary greatly. Because of the prominence of the city, the abolition campaign was early concentrated upon slavery in the District, and gained partial It fell to its triumph when the slave trade was abolished in 1850. In 1861, a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia was introduced by Senator Wilson, and after much opposition from the Border States, it passed the Senate and the House in April, 1862, and was signed by President Lincoln, April 16. The result of this law made Washington a mecca for free Negroes, and in a single decade, the Negro population increased 200%. The to civil rights of Negroes in the District were fought for con- tinuously by Charles Sumner. He secured the law of April 3, 1865, segregation Negro testimony in the District courts. He fought on railroad and streetcar lines and the law which prevented Negroes from carrying mail. On his motion, a Negro was admitted to practice before the Supreme Court in 1865, and another in 1867. A petition signed by Negroes who could read and write was sent to Congress, and after long debate and postponement for a year, the Negro was meeting was held at the Asbury M. In 1871, at the election of a delegate to Congress, 17,757 whites and 10,772 Negroes voted the economic difficult status of the after during and Negro in the the war because of it District was made very the large increase in the Negro population. When, for instance, was charged in 1865 that they did not own $40,000 worth of property in the whole city, it was proven that in one square their holdings aggregated $45,592. In 1867, it was estimated that of 32,000 Negroes in the district, one-half were destitute. In February, 1871, an act was passed changing the government of the District of Columbia. The old charters and courts which had been inherited from the Maryland government were discarded and a territorial form of government established with a Governor and legislative assembly composed of a Council and House of Delegates. The Governor and Council were appointed by the President, and the House elected by the people. The powers were similar to those granted to new territories, including the right to borrow money, assess taxes, and carry on the government: Alexander R. He ran a plumbing business, and was a native of the District; Grant appointed him Governor. He changed Washington from a poorly paved, badly lighted, unattractive city into a model and beautiful capital. The work was done rapidly and was accompanied by all the current political jobbery. Under any circumstances, the transformation would have cost large sums of money, but with graft and misappropriation of funds, the District was plunged into a debt of many millions of dollars. After sharp agitation, the government was changed again, all the people disfranchised, and the District put under the rule of three commissioners. Naturally, in this case, as in the Southern states, the harm and dishonesty of the Shepherd regime was charged to the colored voter, while the beauty and accomplishment of the re-born city was put to the credit of white civilization. Disfranchisement in the District came at the demand of over- taxed real estate and of reactionary property interests hiding behind the color bar. This number increased gradually to 155,932 in 1830; decreased in 1840; rose in 1850 to 165,091, and in i860, was estimated at 171,131. Thus, the black population of Maryland was almost evenly divided at the opening of the war between free Negroes and slaves. Maryland, along with Virginia and the other Border States, had some part lation in the business of raising slaves for sale further South, but states. The Assembly of 1867 repealed many parts of the Black Code, but among other things, did not allow a colored woman to be a competent witness against the white father of her child. But the convention of 1864, charged with forming a new was insecure because the Black Code of the ease of escape to Northern states. A constitutional convention was held in Annapolis in 1867, and another Constitution adopted by an overwhelming popular vote. It did not declare that men were "created equally free," and compensation for freed slaves was demanded. This represented a reactionary movement, as compared with the Constitution of 1864.

Ingratitude is the worst of crimes blood pressure chart too low cheap 20 mg vasodilan with amex, and yet the men we have fostered blood pressure chart guidelines purchase 20 mg vasodilan mastercard, the men we have elevated and made rich blood pressure exercise program cheap 20 mg vasodilan with mastercard, now speak of our corruption and 31 venality blood pressure normal yahoo proven 20 mg vasodilan, and charge us with every. They said: whole people of the State to support the nominees of the Convention as the only means of preserving their common interests especially requesting the Conservatives that have persistently declared that their desire was only for good government cordially invite the "We - without regard to partisan politics, to support the independents. On am in favor of a most thorough investigation of the official conduct of any and every public officer in connection with the discharge of whose duties there is anything like well-grounded suspicion; and to this effect have I spoken time and lukewarm on the subject of better government in South Carolina than that which seems to be bearing heavily on all classes and conditions of society today. Let him feel, black or white, that the country holds him responsible for the to public positions of shortcomings of his party, and that it demands of him the elevation men who are above suspicion. Let each man feel that upon him individually rests the work of reform; let each man feel that he is responsible for every dollar of the public money fraudulently used; for every schoolhouse closed against his children; for every dollar of taxation in excess of the reasonable and legitimate expenses of the State; in short, will hold let every man feel that society at large him and the party accountable for every misdeed in the administration of government, and will credit effort in the interest of the people, him with every honest ment, whereby the community as. The curious charge is often made that Negroes devoted all their energies to politics. When the bank failed in 1874, the Charleston branch owed political 5,296 depositors a total of $253,168. They asked for one-half share of the crop for farm laborers, or a stated wage of seventy cents to one dollar a day. They demanded a commissioner to supervise labor contracts, reduce rates, and stop the postpone- ment of suits to recover portions of crops due for services. They tried laws to prevent the discharge of laborers before they were paid, or the removal of crops before satisfactory settlement. There were through a strike of farm laborers in Colleton County; they threatened to destroy the crops of the planters. Another strike occurred in the rice fields of Buford County, where 200 Negroes at harvest time demanded an advance of 50 per cent in wages. They imprisoned scabs in the out-houses, and overpowered a sheriff and his posse; but the Governor sent the colored leader, Robert Smalls, with a company of militia, and the mob was dispersed. The whites attempting to apprehend the rioters were mobbed, and the aflfair at one time looked very serious; but, by the aid of influential black politicians, the matter was accommodated, and the laborers have since worked well and quietly. I am told that though in their immediate demands the blacks were in the wrong, they had much ground of complaint, owing to the practice of some of the employers, who not being able to pay the wages earned and due, put the 35 laborers ofT with checks upon stores kept on the truck principle. In 1875 it was described as "the most powerful organization of the colored laboring class in South Carolina. It had successfully conducted a number of strikes, and it was the most successful labor union among Negroes. Under exceedingly difficult circumstances, and handicapped by their necessary ignorance and lack of experience, often deliberately misled, both by Northerners and Southerners, planters and poor whites, the Negroes, in legislation and in self-control, had made an excellent record. Their leadership distinctly showed more ability and character than that of either the carpetbaggers or the scalawags. It is interesting to remember that the Negro officials repeatedly were commended by various papers and persons in South Carolina. Wilder, postmaster of Columbia, was commended in the Daily News, April 13, 1869, as a man "well-known" and "universally respected. Shrewsbury "an oppo- which he has kept nent of corruption," and declared that "he sustained a good reputation intact under great temptations" and that "he has exerted himself zealously and courageously to guard his people from compulsion and vengeance, and establish their claim to decency and respectability. Pike, a violent hater of Negroes, said that "all of the best speakers in the House are quite black" and added that Senator Beverly Nash 36 "has more native ability than half the white men in the Senate. There were, of course, illiterate and ignorant men among the Negro speakers, but, on the other hand, there were some of poise and eloquence, who spoke with ease and grace. These were the men and this the effort which have been endlessly blamed and reviled. There is that celebrated tirade by Pike: "The members of the Assembly issued forth from the State House. They were such a looking body of men as might pour out of a market-house or a courthouse at random in any Southern state. Every Negro type and physiognomy was here to be seen, from the genteel serving-man, to the rough-hewn customer from the rice or cotton field. There was the second-hand, black frockcoat of infirm gentility, glossy and threadbare. They have a genuine interest and a genuine earnestness in the business of the assembly which we are bound to recognize and respect.

This convention had great influence on public opinion and popularized the Fourteenth Amendment blood pressure chart 19 year old vasodilan 20 mg for sale. The issue in the election of the fall of 1866 pulse blood pressure relationship discount 20 mg vasodilan amex, turned on whether Congress should recognize Southern states as reconstructed by Johnson blood pressure going up and down order 20 mg vasodilan with mastercard. It was not a presidential year hypertension and heart disease cheap 20 mg vasodilan otc, but congressmen and state legislatures were to be elected. The real campaign began in August, with the fourteenth of August convention in Philadelphia. This convention greatly encouraged Johnson, and he wrote it, attacking Congress for preventing the restoration of peace and union, and denying that it was really a legal Congress. Already, in the spring, he had promised to lay the cornerstone of a monument to Stephen A. Douglas in Chicago, and he left Washington, August 28, on a great campaign tour, which was to sweep the country. He took General Grant with him and members of his Cabinet, and Seward joined him in New York. Johnson stopped at Philadelphia, New York, Albany, and then went West by way of Cleveland, Chicago and St. In New York, for instance, he asked, "Are we prepared, after the cost of war, to continue the disIt rupted condition of the country? Some have grown fat, some have grown rich by the aggression and destruction of others. At Cleveland his audience became a mob while the President himself increased the hubbub. The city authorities had made preparations for a polite reception, but as he proceeded with his harangue, the mob took complete possession of the crowd. Louis, where Johnson declared that the blood of the New Orleans riot was on Congress, and decried the "diabolical and nefarious policies of Stevens, Phillips and Sumner. At Niagara, he told the crowd that Lincoln had been but after his assassination all hearts inclined to the deepest sorrow; and it would be the same if Johnson should be taken off. Of all that has been done to bring us so near the consummation [of Reconstruction] you see that nothing has been done that was not done through the direction, agency, activity, perseverance and patriotism of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. He said that he had been directed by his physician neither to think, speak nor read until the next session of Congress; that he had followed the orders not made to read almost literally. I read that with some interest, expecting to see in so celebrated an establishment, one which from its heralding was I exto beat Dan Rice and all the old circuses that ever went forth, 76 pected great wit from the celebrated character of its clowns. First of all, Industry and Trade were convinced that they could not trust the white South. Therefore, the more extreme ideas which Stevens had advocated, were allowed to be broadcast. People had faith in laws and wanted some great enactment in keeping with the greatness of the war. These reforms might be in advance at the time, but they were worth trying, and there appeared to be no middle light, frivolous reading. Thus, as the campaign went on, Negro suffrage occupied a more and more important position. To many Northerners it had been at first unthinkable, but more and more they became convinced. The Nation urged full Negro suffrage and Negro civil rights, but opposed the exclusion of white leaders from office. To have this theory of the nature of our government boldly thrust in our faces now, after the events of the last four years, by men who have come red-handed from the battlefield, and to whose garments the blood of our brothers and sons still clings; and to know that the President, who owes in part at least his ability to be President to the valor and blood of colored troops, concurs with them in this scandalous repudiation of democratic principles, are things which the country, we trust, will find it hard to bear. They acted accordingly with a thoroughness no age which does not share that faith comprehend. They did not free draft animals, nor enfranchise gorillas, nor welcome morons to Congress. We will fix the terms of peace ourselves and we will teach the South that Christ is dis78 guised in a dusky race. A bitter protest of Southern property reenforced Northern reaction; and while after long years the American world recovered in most matters, it has never yet quite understood why it could ever have thought that black men were altogether human. There were men in the South and former slaveholders who knew the truth and spoke it.

Figure 3: Change in Global Average Temperatures Degrees Fahrenheit relative to pre-industrial (1850-1900) levels 3 2 heart attack while pregnant 20 mg vasodilan purchase amex. A relatively modest increase in average temperatures is accompanied by a much larger increase in temperature extremes blood pressure chart online vasodilan 20 mg buy mastercard. In the United States arteriovenous graft purchase vasodilan 20 mg mastercard, for example blood pressure medication replacement buy vasodilan 20 mg cheap, average annual temperatures were 3 percent higher between 1999 and 2019 than between 1950 and 1980. But the number of days above 90°F the average American experienced rose by 23 percent between those two time periods (Figure 4). Heat alone is not nearly as threatening as the combination of increased heat and humidity (referred to as "wet-bulb temperature"). Body temperatures can rise rapidly when heat stress occurs, damaging the brain and other vital organs. Heat stroke, the most severe heat-related illness, can kill or permanently disable its victims without emergency treatment. At wet-bulb temperatures above 79°F (26°C), strenuous physical activity can be dangerous. If wet-bulb temperatures rise above 91°F (33°C), even during rest fit health individuals will have difficulty controlling their core temperature. During the Chicago heat wave of 1995, which resulted in more than 600 excess deaths and 3300 excess emergency room visits (Dematte et al. The highest wet-bulb temperature every recorded on earth was 95°F (35°C), temperatures even very healthy people cannot survive for more than a few hours. Researchers estimate that recent changes in the climate have already expanded the number of people who experience at least one day a year with wet-bulb temperatures above 91°F from 97 million to 275 million, and those exposed to wet-bulb temperatures above 95°F at least once a decade from 0 to 9 million (Li et al. As the climate grows more unstable some parts of the United States and the world are getting dryer, other regions are getting wetter, and a greater share of annual rainfall is occurring during extreme precipitation events. This increases the frequency and severity of surface flooding (pluvial), by overwhelming urban drainage systems, and flooding along streams or rivers (fluvial). That leads to sea level rise both through thermal expansion of the oceans and melting ice sheets around the world. Global average sea levels have risen by 8 to 9 inches since pre-industrial levels, and by more than 3 inches since 1993 alone. Climate change has also increased the frequency and severity of the most extreme storms. Over the past 40 years, the probability that any given hurricane will become a Category 3-5 storm has grown by 8 percent per decade globally, and even higher in the North Atlantic (Kossin et al 2020). For example, scientists estimate that warming over the past four decades increased the probability of the amount of rainfall experienced during Hurricane Harvey in 2017 six-fold (Emanuel 2017). Since we only have one Earth and cannot run controlled experiments, scientists rely on increasingly sophisticated, computerized climate models. First developed in the 1960s through the 1980s, climate models use mathematical formulas to simulate atmospheric and oceanic dynamics. Projections made by some of the earliest climate models have done a remarkably good job of predicting the increase in global average temperatures witnessed over the past few decades (Hausfather et al 2019). Early climate models, however, had very little temporal or geographic granularity. Every six to eight years, these research groups model a harmonized set of emissions scenarios. In a high-emissions scenario, this collection of models predict global average temperature increases of anywhere between 3. Given changes in the climate that have already occurred, the average American is expected to experience between 42 and 51 days above 90°F each year. Under a high-emissions scenario, this likely grows to 56 to 80 days by 2050 and 77 to 126 days by the end of the century (assuming geographic allocation of the population remains at current levels). Under a moderate-emissions scenario, the number of extremely hot days experienced by the average American likely grows to between 52 and 67 days per year by 2050, and to 56 to 82 days by the end of the century.

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