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Errors and Fraud In recent years treatment 4 syphilis purchase domperidone 10 mg amex, the integrity of crime laboratories increasingly has been called into question symptoms toxic shock syndrome purchase 10 mg domperidone, with some highly publicized cases highlighting the sometimes lax standards of laboratories that have generated questionable or fraudulent evidence and that have lacked quality control measures that would have detected the questionable evidence doctor of medicine domperidone 10 mg purchase line. In one notorious case medicine 54 543 domperidone 10 mg order overnight delivery, a state-mandated review of analyses conducted by West Virginia State Police laboratory employee Fred Zain revealed that the convictions of more than 100 people were in doubt because Zain had repeatedly falsified evidence in criminal prosecutions. I n information provided in forensics reports-falsified results (including "drylabbing," i. I n the courtroom-suppression of exculpatory evidence; providing a statistical exaggeration of the results of a test conducted on evidence; and providing false testimony about test results. Although cases of fraud appear to be rare, perhaps of more concern is the lack of good data on the accuracy of the analyses conducted in forensic science disciplines and the significant potential for bias that is present in some cases. A trained fingerprint examiner then takes the short list of possible matches and performs an examination to determine whether the unknown print matches a known print in the database. That association was independently analyzed and the results were confirmed by an outside experienced fingerprint expert. Report on the Erroneous Fingerprint Indiidualization in the Madrid Train Bombing Case. In testimony before the committee, it was clear that some members of the forensic science community will not concede that there could be less than perfect accuracy either in given laboratories or in specific disciplines, and experts testified to the committee that disagreement remains regarding even what constitutes an error. For example, if the limitations of a given technology lead to an examiner declaring a "match" that is found by subsequent technology. Assertions of a "100 percent match" contradict the findings of proficiency tests that find substantial rates of erroneous results in some disciplines. The insistence by some forensic practitioners that their disciplines employ methodologies that have perfect accuracy and produce no errors has hampered efforts to evaluate the usefulness of the forensic science disciplines. Standard setting, accreditation of laboratories, and certification of individuals aim to address many of these problems, and although many laboratories have excellent training and quality control programs, even N. Fingerprints and the Daubert standard for admission of scientific evidence: Why fingerprints fail and a proposed remedy. Furthermore, accreditation is a voluntary program, except in a few jurisdictions in which it is required (New York, Oklahoma, and Texas)36 (see Chapter 7). Cases are solved in an hour, highly technical analyses are accomplished in minutes, and laboratory and instrumental capabilities are often exaggerated, misrepresented, or entirely fabricated. In courtroom scenes, forensic examiners state their findings or a match (between evidence and suspect) with unfailing certainty, often demonstrating the technique used to make the determination. Jurists and crime laboratory directors anecdotally report that jurors have come to expect the presentation of forensic evidence in every case, and they expect it to be conclusive. Forensic science viewers expressed more confidence in their verdicts than did nonviewers. Some are concerned that the conclusiveness and finality of the manner in which forensic evidence is 36 National Institute of Justice. Fragmented and Inconsistent Medicolegal Death Investigation the medicolegal death investigation system is a fragmented organization of state and local entities called upon to investigate deaths and to certify the cause and manner of unnatural and unexplained deaths. Medical examiner and coroner offices receive nearly 1 million reports of deaths, constituting between 30 to 40 percent of all U. Yet the training and skill of medical examiners and coroners and the systems that support them vary greatly. Medical examiners may be physicians, pathologists, or forensic pathologists with jurisdiction within a county, district, or state. A coroner is an elected or appointed official who might not be a physician or have had any medical training. Since 1877, in the United States, there have been efforts to replace the coroner system with a medical examiner system. In strong terms, the 1928 committee called for the professionalization of death investigation, with medical science at its center. Despite these calls, efforts to move away from a coroner system in the United States have stalled.

These expectations then guide subsequent information processing: Attention and subsequent recall are biased in favor of stereotype-confirming evidence and produce biased judgment (Bodenhausen & Wyer symptoms graves disease buy 10 mg domperidone visa, 1985; Darley & Gross treatment 2011 trusted 10 mg domperidone, 1983) treatment 4 lung cancer domperidone 10 mg purchase on-line. Individuals interested in minimizing the impact of implicit bias on their own judgment and behaviors should actively engage in more thoughtful medicine werx buy cheap domperidone 10 mg online, deliberative information processing. Strategy 3: Potential Actions to Take · Individual: Use decision-support tools such as note-taking, checklists, and bench cards and techniques such as writing down the reasons for a judgment to promote greater deliberative as opposed to intuitive thinking. When sufficient effort is exerted to limit the effects of implicit biases on judgment, attempts to consciously control implicit bias can be successful (Payne, 2005; Stewart & Payne, 2008). They must be mindful of their decision-making processes rather than just the results of decision making (Seamone, 2006) to eliminate distractions, to minimize emotional decision making, and to objectively and deliberatively consider the facts at hand instead of relying on schemas, stereotypes, and/or intuition. Strategy 4: Identify distractions and sources of stress in the decision-making environment and remove or reduce them Tiring. Decision makers who are rushed, stressed, distracted, or pressured are more likely to apply stereotypes ­ recalling facts in ways biased by stereotypes and making more stereotypic judgments ­ than decision makers whose cognitive abilities are not similarly constrained. A decision maker may be more likely to think in terms of race and use implicit racial stereotypes (Macrae, Bodenhausen, & Milne, 1995; Mitchell, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003) because race often is a salient, i. Happiness may also produce more stereotypic judgments, though this can be consciously controlled if the person is motivated to do so (Bodenhausen, Kramer, & Susser, 1994). Given all these potential distractions and sources of stress, decision makers need enough time and cognitive resources to thoroughly process case information to avoid relying on intuitive reasoning processes that can result in biased judgments. Strategy 4: Potential Actions to Take · Individual: Allow more time on cases in which implicit bias might be a concern by, for example, spending more time reviewing the facts of the case before committing to a decision; consider ways to clear your mind. Addressing Implicit Bias in the Courts 10 Strategy 5: Identify sources of ambiguity in the decision-making context and establish more concrete standards before engaging in the decision-making process When the basis for judgment is somewhat vague. Without more explicit, concrete criteria for decision making, individuals tend to disambiguate the situation using whatever information is most easily accessible-including stereotypes. In cases involving ambiguous factors, decision makers should preemptively commit to specific decision-making criteria. Strategy 5: Potential Actions to Take · Individual: Commit to decision-making criteria before reviewing case-specific information. Addressing Implicit Bias in the Courts 11 Strategy 6: Institute feedback mechanisms Providing egalitarian consensus information. To encourage individual effort in addressing personal implicit biases, court administration may opt to provide judges and other court professionals with relevant performance feedback. As part of this process, court administration should consider the type of judicial decision-making data currently available or easily obtained that would offer judges meaningful but nonthreatening feedback on demonstrated biases. Transparent feedback from regular or intermittent peer reviews that raise personal awareness of biases could prompt those with egalitarian motives to do more to prevent implicit bias in future decisions and actions. This feedback should include concrete suggestions on how to improve performance (cf. Mendoza, Gollwitzer, & Amodio, 2010; Kim, 2003) and could also involve recognition of those individuals who display exceptional fairness as positive reinforcement. Note, however, that feedback mechanisms which apply coercive pressure to comply with egalitarian standards can elicit hostility from some types of individuals and fail to mitigate implicit bias. By inciting hostility, these imposed standards may even be counterproductive to egalitarian goals, generating backlash in the form of increased explicit and implicit prejudice (Legault, Gutsell, & Inzlicht, 2011). Strategy 7: Increase exposure to stigmatized group members and counter-stereotypes and reduce exposure to stereotypes Increased contact with counter-stereotypes-specifically, increased exposure to stigmatized group members that contradict the social stereotype-can help individuals negate stereotypes, affirm counter-stereotypes, and "unlearn" the associations that underlie implicit bias. Strategy 6: Potential Actions to Take · Individual: Seek feedback through, for example, participating in a sentencing round table discussing hypothetical cases or consulting with a skilled mentor or senior judge about handling challenging cases; ask for feedback from colleagues, supervisors and others regarding past performance; document and review the underlying logic of decisions to ensure their soundness. For individuals who seek greater contact with counter-stereotypic individuals, such contact is more effective when the counter-stereotype is of at least equal status in the workplace (see Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). Moreover, positive and meaningful interactions work best: Cooperation is one of the most powerful forms of debiasing contact. In addition to greater contact with counter-stereotypes, this strategy also involves decreased exposure to stereotypes. Certain environmental cues can automatically trigger stereotype activation and implicit bias. Images and language that are a part of any signage, pamphlets, brochures, instructional manuals, background music, or any other verbal or visual communications in the court may inadvertently activate implicit biases because they convey stereotypic information (see Devine, 1989; Rudman & Lee, 2002; Anderson, Benjamin, & Bartholow, 1998; for examples of how such communications Strategy 7: Potential Actions to Take · Individual: View images. Identifying these communications and removing them or replacing them with non-stereotypic or counterstereotypic information can help decrease the amount of daily exposure court employees and other legal professionals have with the types of social stereotypes that underlie implicit bias.

The sociological literature provides a rich medications you can buy in mexico 10 mg domperidone purchase with mastercard, if complicated medications for ptsd order domperidone 10 mg with amex, context in which to view the results of the current studies medications similar to cymbalta domperidone 10 mg buy on line. One account that has received substantial attention is that police shoot Black suspects more often than White suspects medications management 10 mg domperidone buy with amex, per capita, because Black people are disproportionately likely to be involved in crime (particularly violent crime). The Department of Justice (2001) report shows that, just as Black suspects are five times more likely than White suspects to die at the hands of police, police officers are five times more likely to die at the hands of a Black suspect than a White suspect. They tentatively conclude that it is the prevalence of criminal activity among Black people that drives the differential shooting rates. Did their experiences with minority suspects foster associations that made counter stereotypic trials particularly difficult to process? It is clear from the analysis of Study 1 that officers serving in heavily (more densely) populated communities also showed greater anti-Black bias in their reaction times. In combination, these variables seem to suggest that racial bias in the decision to shoot may reflect the disproportionate representation of Black people (and perhaps other ethnic minority groups) in low-income, poverty-stricken, and high- crime areas. Geller (1982) and Smith (2004) presented evidence that a greater number of police shootings occur in disadvantaged neighborhoods and that members of ethnic minorities are more likely to be killed in these incidents. Neither three-way interaction was significant, nor controlling for block did not alter the findings reported in the text. These data provide no evidence that police showed less bias than community members because they were better able to improve their performance over the course of the task. This research builds on the ecological contamination hypothesis, first advanced by Werthman and Piliavin (1967), which suggests that the reputation of a neighborhood distorts perceptions of its inhabitants. To the extent that a community is seen as a "bad area," police may perceive the individuals who live there (or anyone they happen to encounter there) as a potential threat. If members of minorities are more likely to live and spend time in disadvantaged neighborhoods (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), they may also be more likely to fall victim to this context-based contamination. As a consequence, police may be more likely to shoot a Black suspect because of the context in which the encounter occurs, not because of racial bias, per se (Fyfe, 1981). In an interesting wrinkle of this argument, Sampson and Raudenbush (2004) conducted an extensive investigation of the factors that predict perceived community disorder-the causal variable proposed by ecological contamination. They found that the mere presence of Black people in a community is sufficient to evoke the perception of disadvantage. If Black people evoke the perception of neighborhood disadvantage, they may experience harsher treatment by police-not because the police are biased to treat Black people in a hostile fashion, but because Black neighborhoods seem more threatening. The data presented here suggest that, although police officers may be affected by culturally shared racial stereotypes. We feel that this research represents a valuable melding of basic social psychological processes with an issue of great importance to our society. By examining the influence of race in the automatic processing of danger-related stimuli, and the capacity of expertise to moderate this effect, these findings touch on a topic of great interest to social psychologists, sociologists, police, and community groups, alike. The investigation of racial bias in police use of force presents a unique opportunity to apply experimental social psychological methods to an issue that is vital to the members of increasingly diverse neighborhoods and com- munities. The automatic and controlled information-processing dissociation: Is it still relevant? PsyScope: An interactive graphic system for designing and controlling experiments in the psychology laboratory using Macintosh computers. Event-related potentials and the decision to shoot: the role of threat perception and cognitive control. The effects of suspect race and situation hazard on police officer shooting behavior. Race and gender on the brain: Electrocortical measures of attention to the race and gender of multiply categorizable individuals. Training on integrated versus separated Stroop tasks: the progression of interference and facilitation. Training and Stroop-like interfer- ence: Evidence for a continuum of automaticity. Journal of Experimen- tal Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 14, 126 ­135. Prejudice and perception: the role of automatic and controlled processes in misperceiving a weapon.

Violent crime rates and the proportion of non-White people in an area have been associated with increased perception of threat (Cureton treatment modality definition order domperidone 10 mg without prescription, 2001) treatment centers of america domperidone 10 mg purchase with amex. Taken in sum medications borderline personality disorder purchase domperidone 10 mg fast delivery, these factors may influence the level of threat officers expect in interactions with minorities medications you cannot eat grapefruit with buy cheap domperidone 10 mg on line. Couple with this, the distrust racial/ethnic minorities report toward police (Locke, 1996), and fodder for a self-fulfilling prophecy of aggressive encounters is laid. Awareness of a societal-level phenomenon, whatever its underlying cause, may thus be associated with implicit biases that impact cognitive processing or behavior (Fisher & Borgida, 2012). Applied to the context of race and law enforcement, the mere association of race and criminality at the societal level may impact, for example, the speed with which stimuli are processed and the likelihood of a decision to open fire. Race and the Decision to Shoot It is difficult to determine whether or not race influences the course of encounters between police officers and suspects. In the real world, minority status is (on average) associated with a number of factors such as poverty, living in disadvantaged neighborhoods, and living within disorganized family structures (Sampson & Lauritsen, 1997), making a clear attribution difficult. Participants were faster to shoot armed Black targets than armed White targets, and they were faster to decide not to shoot 258 onlinelibrary. Further, this effect transferred into mistaken decisions or behaviors when participants were forced to respond extremely quickly. In these simulations, target race is not diagnostic of the presence or absence of a weapon. This is important because it allows the investigators to conduct a direct examination of the impact of racial cues, per se, on the tendency to shoot. Given the time pressure and complexity of stimuli employed, the ability to exert control over responses was diminished, making it likely that observed racial biases in behavior were implicit or operating outside of conscious control. Although compelling, demonstrations of implicit racial bias among college students in the laboratory lack external validity. Examining the phenomenon among police officers provides a better gauge of the extent to which implicit racial bias may impact the decision to open fire and thus contribute to the disparity in rates of minorities versus Whites shot and killed by police. Two groups of researchers have investigated the effect of race on decisions to shoot with police officers (Correll et al. Consistent with prior work, the extent of racial bias in response times did not differ between White and non-White officers. But in spite of this bias in reaction time, police officers were no more likely to shoot an unarmed Black target than they were to shoot an unarmed White. In other words, despite the influence of race on the time taken to make correct decisions, police officers were able to overcome the impact of race and choose whether or not to "open fire" as a function of the weapon held, not the race of the person holding it. Using a different paradigm, Plant and Peruche (2005) found that although police officers initially exhibited racial bias in the decision to shoot, bias decreased with practice. Thus, college students, community members, and police officers all evidenced an implicit racial bias in the time taken to make a decision to shoot; however, police officers were able to overcome this bias when instigating a behavioral response. In light of differential minority contact with law enforcement and the profound demographic changes taking place in the United States, such an investigation is both timely and important. In the first study, we investigated the performance of college students on two primary outcomes. First, we examined the average response times needed to correctly determine if targets of each race were armed or unarmed. Racial bias in reaction times is indicated by faster responses to stereotypic combinations. Second, we examined whether target race influenced the pattern of correct versus incorrect responses. Both racial bias measures are assumed to reflect the influence of cultural stereotypes; however, our previous work suggests that they may reflect different components of cognitive processing (Correll et al. Although stereotypes may impact the speed with which correct responses are made, whether or not they affect the ultimate 259 onlinelibrary. For example, one might expect that officers who serve areas in which the predominant criminal element is Latino should show a greater bias toward Latinos than they do toward Blacks. To allow for sufficient variability in types of communities and personal beliefs, we recruited police officers from the Southeast, Southwest, and Northwest regions of the United States. The present research thus exemplifies "full-cycle social psychology" (Cialdini, 1980; Dasgupta & Stout, 2012) wherein the phenomenon of interest was borne of real-life events.

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